Magyar Pitches Power Multiplier for Landlocked Nations in Europe

(BUDAPEST) – Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar has proposed merging two existing Central European alliances into a single bloc that would stretch from Austria to Poland, creating a formidable voting and policy coalition inside the European Union.

The plan would combine the Visegrad Group, comprising Hungary, Poland, Czechia and Slovakia, with the Slavkov Format, which includes Austria, Czechia and Slovakia, forming a five nation bloc representing roughly 72 million people. Magyar has already signalled his priorities by scheduling his first state visit to Warsaw, followed by Vienna.

Reinhard Heinisch, a political scientist at the University of Salzburg, described the strategy as a power multiplier inside the EU rather than a parallel structure designed to weaken it. He noted that Magyar, having replaced Viktor Orban after a relatively peaceful transfer of power, faces a delicate balancing act. Many of Magyar’s voters opposed Orban’s corruption and the state of the economy rather than his policies, and they are not necessarily pro-European. Joining Brussels openly would risk alienating his base.

“Magyar has to find an ally and break out of the isolation, and here Austria and his central European partners can be very useful,” Heinisch said.

The existing Visegrad Group was originally formed to coordinate the transition into the EU and NATO after the fall of communism, but evolved into a platform for pushing shared interests on migration, sovereignty and energy policy. The Slavkov Format has focused on practical cooperation covering infrastructure, transport, cross border investment and economic coordination.

Heinisch explained that Magyar’s proposal is rhetorically clever because simply joining the Visegrad Group would mean aligning with leaders such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico, who has allied himself with Orban and is viewed with deep scepticism in Brussels. The Czech Republic has a new populist government under Andrej Babis with unclear policies on Russia, while Poland remains divided between a liberal government and a right wing president. By folding Austria into the mix, Magyar avoids the impression of forming an alliance with Orbanites.

“Rather than saying we want Visegrad plus Austria, it is more elegant to say we have two central European groups, they are not exactly identical, why do we not combine them,” Heinisch said.

The primary practical benefit would be voting power in the Council of the European Union, where most legislation passes by qualified majority voting. A proposal requires 55 percent of member states, currently 15 out of 27, representing at least 65 percent of the EU population. To block legislation, a minority of at least four countries representing more than 35 percent of the population is needed.

A coordinated Austria, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and Czechia bloc would easily meet the four country requirement. Their combined population of about 72 million would represent roughly half the threshold needed for a blocking minority, giving the group serious influence in negotiation, coalition building and shaping compromises before laws are finalised.

Beyond voting power, the bloc would pursue shared regional interests. Magyar has highlighted the absence of a direct high speed rail link between Budapest and Warsaw as an infrastructure priority. On energy security, Magyar has pledged to end Hungary’s dependence on Russian oil and gas by 2035. Austria, described as the Alpine battery of central Europe, generates electricity predominantly from hydropower, followed by wind and solar, with only a very small share from fossil fuels. Its hydropower plants can stabilise a wider regional grid by sending stored electricity across borders when solar and wind generation drops in neighbouring countries.

On migration, Magyar shares Orban’s preference for stronger borders but is pursuing a fundamentally different strategy. Rather than fighting Brussels alone like an angry outsider, Magyar wants Central Europe to act collectively and demand EU financial support for protecting the external border. Austria, Slovakia and Poland hold very similar views on migration.

Heinisch argued that Magyar is ultimately good for the European Union, not only for what he will do but for the damage that has been avoided. Orban had served as a template for the American right and Project 2025, connecting populist radical right movements across the United States, South America and Europe. Magyar is different.

“Magyar is not Orban and that is clearly very positive,” Heinisch said. “I do not think Magyar is a liberal, but I think Magyar is interested in the rule of law and in normal economic relations with other countries, and not in engaging always in extraction and blackmail.”

The coming months will test whether Magyar can bring the Visegrad and Slavkov groups into a cohesive bloc that votes together and pushes shared interests. The concept mirrors other EU sub-groups such as the frugal four on spending, the Benelux nations, and the de facto Franco-German axis, all of which leverage collective weight on their priority issues.